Tag Archives: female

The Female Scribe II

A few weeks ago I wrote this post exploring the idea of the female scribe. I won’t reiterate everything, but that post lead to several inquiries into what female writing meant during the Middle Ages. Matthew provided me with an excellent recommendation for a book that I just recently got a chance to finish. My ultimate goal for this project is to look into one of the earliest dated Lancelot manuscripts from 1274 (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale MS fr. 342) which indicates its author as female. I want to determine to what extent (if any) the story was influenced through having a female scribe.  I think this calls for a close comparison between this telling of this story and several others to mark the differences. Honestly I am not entirely sure if that is the best approach, but for now this is the plan. However, before I can draw any conclusions, or even begin work with the primary texts I think it is important to first identify and understand the different ways women interacted with books and writing – which is precisely why Women and Writing c. 1340-1650 was so useful. This collection of pieces got me thinking of what writing represents and the ways it was used, or purposely not used (a point I found very interesting and will get to shortly).

One of the first articles in the book mentions translating – commonly done by women in the early modern period – which leads me to believe it was given to women even earlier than that as it was believed to be a simple (minimal) task where ideas from one language were conveyed in another – essentially another form of direct copying. This struck me as odd since anyone who has translated text will know there is a very fine (if not completely imaginary) line between translating and recreating, where if enough liberties are taken, entirely new ideas can be forged from existing text. Even when attempting fidelity towards the original, words in different languages often vary in connotation. This leads me to believe that it was not the task itself that was thought to be minimal, but rather that the women bid to translate were thought to be too dull to provide any reinterpretations of the original text. Yet I am not exactly convinced of this either since even pure translation is an arduous task, so I am having trouble consolidating that concept with the contradicting idea of woman as slow minded. Further, women were often publicly praised for their excellent translations that were widely circulated among women and men alike. As Gemma Allen notes, translation was but a stepping stone for women towards agency within writing while finding a means for furthering their own ideologies.

Again, this is a concept I can extrapolate into the earlier times of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries where female scribes (much like their male counterparts) participated in a culture of writing that thrived off deriving and creating meaning through textual emendation and manuscript mise en page. It appears that women often operated within this environment by annotating. While this was not direct authorship, as we receive those manuscripts today we cannot ignore the various marginalia left behind by generations of readers who interacted with the text. I would like to believe that it actually alters the way we read the text and begin viewing it through their eyes. And I cannot help but wonder: if they had been the copyist, what manuscript would we have now? In other words, how would they have amended the author’s words?

Only two chapters later I came to another point in the book that discussed the place within culture of the commonplace book, attempting to broaden the existing definition, or better yet, consolidating the multiple definitions loosely associated with the genre. However, the point I found most interesting was the “conflation of ‘Scribe’ and ‘Authour'” referring to a poem written by Henry King. While we can all accept that writing and reading are intricately tied, authorship (creation of ideas) and scribal activity (the physical act of reproducing ideas) are not always as tightly wound in our minds. Alright, I am going to apologize in advance, but to flush out my point as best I can I am going to have to bring in Derrida. I know very few people who care for literary theory, so I promise to be quick… but… in between the author’s words and the scribe’s hands there is a gap, or differance. Even when attempting fidelity towards the original words, scribes will inadvertently provide information about themselves and their surroundings: spelling will signal geographic regions; book hand will denote period and sometimes even place; depending on the language of the text, verbs will give away gender (etc.). The gap between the exemplar and manuscript is where meaning begins. It is where information is found. Most importantly, it is the onset of authorship where the text is transcribed/reproduced, with the idea of it being (re)created. With each addition, deletion, or edit, the result is always an addition, as in an additional meaning other than the original. And this is simply looking at the differences between exemplars and manuscripts that were created unintentionally. Now imagine if these gaps were produced purposefully where simple line omissions or changing of words could be used to reshape a story in order to include… well… anything… that the scribe, now author, wanted to.

Returning however, to my purposes here, I want to continue with my findings on the ways women and texts interacted. The next few discussions dealt with epistolary writing, long known to be a female endeavor. The letter however, is not solely a female activity as men have been using letter writing in the public and private spheres for just as long. Yet what I found interesting was not the ways in which women entered the public spheres with their letters such as was the case of Lady Rich who addressed Elizabeth I with fruitless results, but rather another instance where letter writing remained private. The particular practice mentioned in the book concerned a mother, Joan Thynne, and letters to her son for which she employed a scribe. While the reasoning behind her choice to use a scribe for private letters to her son were nuanced to this particular case and take into account the strained relationship they shared, it was the activity in general that I thought was interesting. It was not uncommon during the early modern period (and even earlier) for literate women to use scribes when writing personal letters.  I looked into Joan’s background a bit and while she was known for her prolific letter writing, most research that has been conducted on her studies the letters she wrote to her sister and her daughter in law, offering glimpses into the various relationships she had with those related to her.

Hiring a scribe didn’t always have to do with hiring someone who could do something that the person could not – many times professionals were (and still are) hired despite a person’s ability to complete a task. Scribes offered services like many other professionals, and the ability to hire one could be construed as a status symbol. However, I also see it as a means  of using something created professionally in order to establish credibility, or even more simply to produce a work that is better assembled or more aesthetically pleasing than would be possible by a layman. Similarly, just like it was a common trope for women to apologize for their handwriting (regardless of whether it was legible/neat or not), it was also common for them to feel their writing was somehow inferior, or worthy of less regard. However, by packaging their words differently, as in with the use of a scribe, their letters would in a sense carry more weight. In other words, the female amateur voice would be translated into a professionally polished one.

In short, the refusal to author a letter, despite the ability to do so, was a rejection of self-conscious feelings. Coincidentally the article on Joan Thynne that produced these ideas for me was also the last piece in the book and got my mind circling back to the relationship between women and writing, or the implications of women as scribes. These two figures are not mutually exclusive, and when consolidating the image of female and scribe a third, rather ambiguous figure emerges. Did the female scribe gain confidence within her double role? As a scribe often working anonymously she could present her words in a genderless domain and with the same authority than a male voice would sustain.

Then, did she understand her power to manipulate text through copying? Or did her insecurities get portrayed within her writing?

Also, what impact (if any) did the role of scribe have on her identity as a female? Looking specifically at the Lancelot scribe, little is known about her which makes it very difficult to discern how she interacted with her text, or what factors in her life could have impressed upon her. Also, very little is known about the manuscript. It is not fully digitized (which will obviously pose quite a few problems for my own research later on), and from what I have found, the manuscript is most revered for its 92 elaborate illuminations, not it’s text (which to my knowledge has not been transcribed either).

Queste-del-saint-graal-Paris-BnF-fr.-342-fol.-102v-13th-c.-500x178

BnF MS. fr. 342 f. 102v – an example of one of the colorful images that spans across two columns. The images are interspersed throughout the text illustrating the various scenes as they are described in words. This is the representation of the tournament in which Lancelot mistakenly takes part  in Queste del Saint Graal.

Here is a full page- f. 39v – The portrait of Agloval finding his mother is depicted at the bottom.

ConsulterElementNum

 

This same technique of portraying miniatures across columns was also prevalent in another Lancelot manuscript produced in 1280 by Walterus de Kayo, and coincidentally in the same town as the manuscript I am interested in (which I will discuss in a bit). The town is not large and the time difference between manuscripts is not very big (6 years), so there must be a connection between them. I researched Walter to try to find out how he may be connected to the female scribe, but all I gathered was that his name roughly translates to Walter of the Warriors. I am going to have to leave this alone for now.

Obviously a lot more digging is going to have to go into culling out any information about this manuscript. And I realize I may not find anything specific about that Lancelot female scribe, however, I might be able to piece together some generalizations about females and writing in a broader sense should I be able to pursue this further.

In the meantime, I found another interesting piece that could perhaps be applied in a more universal sense to women of the time period. First, from what little I could find out about the Lancelot female scribe (from this amazing online Lancelot project resource), it appears the manuscript may have been produced in Douai. Although the town is now in what is considered northern France, that territory was not always under French rule. During the Middle Ages it appears the largest construction in the city was the church of Notre Dame (not to be confused with the much larger cathedral that is nowhere near here) that was built in 1175.

These are some photographs I found of it as it looks now (it has been rebuilt several times since the 13th century and the original building was far smaller). For even more lovely pictures of church, go here:

DouaiND01

640px-Douai_-_Église_Notre-Dame_-_16

 

Anyway, this digression lead me to poke around the history of Douai, noticing that aside from the church, nothing else was really happening in the city during that time period, and according to historians like Uge, there appears to be almost no documentation, leaving the history of the area to become quite a mystery.  Records didn’t really appear about the town until almost two hundred and fifty years later when it flourished with various enterprises, including a lucrative textile business. So, while this is complete conjecture, I have a hunch the Lancelot scribe may have been a nun, or closely related to the church that the entire town seemed to center around. However, since the church has now burned down on several occasions and has been continuously rebuilt, I don’t know if it had a scriptorium around the late 13th century(even though one would not absolutely be needed for the production of a manuscript). Also, I would be interested to know when and from where the BnF procured the manuscript (meaning, it obviously didn’t get damaged or destroyed by the various calamities the church went through, so if it’s travel history does not match the different known events of the church, then it may not have been produced there).

To wrap this up, my findings on the town of Douai along with my speculation that the Lancelot scribe could have been a nun could lead to an investigation into what being a nun at the time, and in that region meant. This is a rather large leap that will require quite a bit more research, but in looking at what it meant to be a woman in the Middle Ages I found a reference to Aethelberht’s laws. I won’t go into too much detail here since this post is already running far longer than I intended, but I promise another one soon which will better address my connection between the significance of these laws, being a nun, and the ramifications of partaking in scribal endeavors. However, briefly, the laws are concerned with defining a woman’s worth, and notably “maegpbot sy swa friges mannes” (a maiden’s worth is equal to that of a man), and a “friwif” is, as her name indicates, independent for one reason or another. A nun would fall under either of these conditions, either a maiden from the start, or released from relations with men at a later time. In the hierarchy of worth, according to Aethelberht, these would be the highest ranked women. Basically I want to explore how (or if) perceiving themselves according to this value system would imbue these women with the necessary assurance to commit words to paper (or parchment, or vellum) in a mode uncharacteristic of women in different stations or spheres.

While I seem to be no closer to working with my primary texts or finding any definite answers, I have to say all the research that has gone into the female scribe project has been quite some fun, and I look forward to continuing along.

Sources:

Busby, Keith, ed. Les Manuscrits de Chretien de Troyes. Vol. 1

Frappier, Jean. La mort le roi Artu: roman du XIIIe siecle.

Lacy, Norris J. The Fortunes of King Arthur.

Lawrence-Mathers, Anne and Phillipa Hardman, eds. Women and Writing c. 1340-1650.

Littleton, Scott. From Scinthya to Camelot: A Radical Reassessment of the Legends of King Arthur. 

Pasternak, Carol Braun. “Negotiating Gender in Anglo-Saxon England.”

Uge, Karine. Creating the Monastic Past in Medieval Flanders.

van Houts, Elizabeth. “Women and the Writing of history in the early Middle Ages: the case of Abbess Matilda of Essen and Aethelweard.”

Williams, John. Women’s Epistolary Utterance: A study of the letters of Joan and Maria Thynne, 1575-1611.

The Female Scribe

My research interests have always been on the process of writing, and I am generally concerned with how the manuscripts we have, have come into existence (scribal authority, authorship in general, codicology, paleography, etc). A more or less recent development in manuscript studies has been scribal identification, while scholars trace their contributions to different manuscripts and make predictions about their lives in order to better attribute intentions to their emendations. However, something that I had not encountered, and for whatever reason hadn’t considered was the idea of the female scribe.

I began earnestly looking at women as manuscript creators oddly enough after someone on Twitter posted this picture from the Trinity College Cambridge collection:

annunciation

He asked what the instrument on the table next to Mary was. Honestly I had no idea, I was very tired, and I jokingly replied “a slingshot?” (it really does look like one, and as I have said before, after I reach a certain point of exhaustion I probably should have the Internet taken away from me). Several other people replied with actual answers, and as it turns out, it is a pen case with an inkwell. As that question was answered, another one emerged: why does Mary have writing instruments? I have never seen her depicted with them, and the majority of Marian depictions, even of the Annunciation do not include these.

Here is another similar picture from a Book of Hours that was painted in a Paris workshop circa 1412 and currently resides in a private collection in Japan:

annunciation1

There are no writing instruments anywhere near Mary. However, I have on very few occasions really studied female interactions with books in the Middle Ages outside of seeing images of them reading, with few notable exceptions including  Margery Kempe, Marie de France, Christina of Markyate, Christine de Pizan, and Anna Bijins (but for my purposes here I am not referring to the ones who have become common knowledge). I was very much under the impression that these women were rarities, and that writing somehow had only belonged to men (and not because I ever thought women were illiterate, but simply because I assumed it was something they didn’t do regularly).

pisan

(Christine de Pizan. Harley MS 4431)

To clarify further, I am not looking at what are now referred to as famous female authors of the medieval period such as Hildegard of Bingen (see below), but rather scribes, practically anonymous, yet doing works comparable to those done by men and providing us not with manuscripts they wrote, but rather that they copied. The importance here lies with my understanding of how scribes operated. Despite the numerous jokes of scribes being the medieval equivalent of Xerox machines (also see below), they had considerable control over their respective texts. While authorship is of great concern to me, it is intricately tied in with scribal activity. There are times when I will make arguments that scribes could not have altered a certain text (an argument I will be presenting later this year in October on an unrelated topic), while in regards to other manuscripts I will argue that it was most certainly scribal hands that altered the piece (which I will also be presenting in January of next year on another unrelated topic). In short, there is no clear cut answer to what scribes have or have not done. Nevertheless, scribes played a significant role within manuscript creation: they corrected simple errors; performed the medieval equivalent of fact checking; edited; provided incipits, explicits, and marginalia; and created or recreated material out of either necessity or preference. So while I have been aware of female authors of the medieval period, it was the purely scribal enterprise that has remained rather murky for me since I had not previously heard of women doing any of the above.

hildegard

(Hildegard von Bingen receiving a vision which she writes down – depicted within Scivias)

xerox machine

 

(an example of the joke of a scribe as nothing more than a glorified Xerox machine – while this is a pretty funny cartoon, it is not entirely accurate)

Since a large part of manuscripts were written in monasteries, I began looking at how (and if) the Rule of Saint Benedict applied to convents. Even though the rule does not overtly prescribe manuscript creation in the monasteries, it is implied that it would be one of the works monks performed, and was interpreted as such during the Middle Ages. Monasteries were of three kinds: all male, all female, or mixed. The all male and mixed types regularly had scriptoriums and/or libraries for reading and manuscript making. However, the all female convents often lacked the funding or space for scriptoriums (even though they did have libraries of various sizes – beginning in the fifth century all nuns were required to be able to read and devote at least two hours a day to religious study). Yet it must be noted that since the convents lacked the funds of all male monasteries, it can be inferred that the nuns had little choice but to copy their own books.

aberdeen

(The Burnet Psalter, University of Aberdeen, MS 25)

There are strands of scholarship that believe the differences between male and female handwriting can be discerned, and various assumptions about predominantly female writing have been made, with the idea of making it easier to identify those texts written by women.  Supposedly, if one were to believe these theories, women have more careful, dainty, and slanted writing. Honestly I don’t believe this, and have found most conjectures about female writing are based more on attributes associated with women in general rather than their writing, and seem to have no basis on paleographic evidence.

Not to mention, some female scribes were illuminators, such as Thomase from France in 1313, which complicates the matter of tracing their work, even if only slightly. In this case handwriting is no longer the determining factor, but rather artistic style that often depended on where they were taught, and/or (if any) atelier where they worked. Several illuminators, male and female, could have used identical styles with only slight variances, making it rather difficult to discern who worked on what outside of personal signatures or subtle indications.

Another part of the problem was that so few scribes (male or female) signed their names to their works, and even when colophons were included, they were often ambiguous. However, there are a few instances where this is not the case. One of the earliest known scribes to indicate a name happens to be a woman, Irmingart, in the twelfth century. Another instance I found was of Mechtilde of Diessen. While there are numerous mentions of her genealogy and her performance of miracles, only one mention of her writing exists.

Not all manuscripts worked on by females, however, originated in the church, or had religious affiliations. This is yet another example I found:

roman

roman1

The second picture reads: “The lower margin of a mid-fourteenth century Roman de la Rose shows a man and a woman sitting at separate desks writing out and illuminating the manuscript with little racks behind them on which the newly made pages are hanging up to dry. These may well be self portraits of the husband and wife team of booksellers in Paris, Richard and Jeanne de Montbaston.”

An additional husband and wife team of scribes created one Book of Hours of the Use of Besancon around 1410. The scribe Alan signed the manuscript and stated that his wife provided the illuminations (Paris, Bibliotheque National, MS Lat. 1169). I am unable to find pictures of this manuscript to verify this, but from what I am gathering, the illuminations, and manuscript as a whole was of inferior quality and most likely intended for private use by the family.

Another study I found I do not have full access to so I can’t really comment on, but it seems very interesting, outlining the role of female scribes during the editing process of Dutch “father confessor sermons,” that were apparently completely handed off to these women to copy, and who consequently took some liberties with the texts.

Personally, the most fascinating instance of female scribal activity (and one that I would love to look further into for a later project) is the earliest dated Lancelot manuscript from 1274 (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale MS fr. 342).  The scribe’s identity remains unknown, and the manuscript ends with a normal enough request that the reader pray for the scribe, but it reads “pries pour ce li ki lescrist,” and “ce li” is a feminine pronoun. This may well end up being another one of my dead end research projects as I have already exhausted my university’s resources with no more luck than two sources that provide little more information that what I have stated in this paragraph. I am going to have to do some backtracking and find other manuscripts written around the same time and place and begin comparisons, which of course this means I am going to have to rely solely on digitized manuscripts. In all honesty I am not sure how feasible this will be at this point, especially since I am actually supposed to be conducting other research right now. But I am pretty sure if I keep at it I can get it done within the next year (Hopefully!).

As can be seen, this is still a preliminary exploration of the role women played within the scribal community. Even as I find instances of their activities there is yet more to be found on the extent to which they participate within the complicated editing process of their respective manuscripts. In the meantime, I hope this helps someone somewhere.

Sources:

Backhouse, Jane. The Illuminated Manuscript.

Beach, Alison. Women as Scribes: Book Production and Monastic Reform in Twelfth Century Bavaria.

Brown, Michelle. “Female Book-Ownership and Production in Anglo-Saxon England: the Evidence of the Ninth-Century Prayerbooks.”

De Hamel, Christopher. Scribes an Illuminators.

A History of Illuminated Manuscripts.

Fisher, Matthew. Scribal Authorship and the Writing of History in Medieval England.

Hamburger, Jeffrey. Nuns as Artists: The Visual Culture of a Medieval Convent.

Havice, Christine. “Approaching Medieval Women Through Medieval Art.”

McGrath, Robert L. “A Newly Discovered Manuscript of Chretien de Troyes’ Yvain and Lancelot in the Princeton University Library.”

McKitterick, Rosamond. “Women and Literacy in the Early Middle Ages.”

Nochlin, Linda. “Why Have There Been No Great Women Artists?”

Putnam, G.H. Books and Their Makers in the Middle Ages.

Smith, Julia. “Gender and Ideology in the Early Middle Ages.”

Wilson, Katherina and Nadia Margolis. “Scribes and Scriptoria (c. 400-1500).”